What Is The Great Famine History Essay

What Is The Great Famine History Essay The Great Famine is one of the seminal moments in Irish history. Ireland in the mid-nineteenth century was a colony of Britain its people mostly tenant farmers. When the potato crop failed in 1845 and failed again for five years in a row a tragedy of enormous proportions played out, there was a cascade of death, but also a cascade of bad decision making, self-serving opportunism, and moral sanctimony a tragedy that is still having its effects today. There are three predominant lenses through which the ideology behind British response to the Famine is largely interpreted the traditional Irish nationalist lens, the revisionist lens, and the post-revisionist lens. The nationalist lens perceives the Famine as a symbol of British misrule in Ireland and comparisons to genocide are frequently made fears of fuelling IRA violence have often led historians of the famine to be accused of self-censorship or political correctness. Whilst the revisionists attempt to place the Famine in the con text of the time arguing the British Government did all they could have done they are frequently criticised of playing down the Famine by marginalizing, minimizing or sanitizing it. Lastly, post-revisionism endeavours to implement new economic and statistical techniques in an attempt to understand the Famine in a new light they challenge revisionism and do not accept the nationalist interpretation either. There were three fundamental ideologies that largely determined the British governments response (or lack of) to the Famine: the economic doctrines of the Famine period, the protestant belief in providentialism, and the deep-rooted ethnic prejudice against the Catholic Irish. Whilst the British indifference to the Famine cannot rightly be called genocide, the nationalist interpretation of the ideology is the most strongly evidenced. Recent famine historiography has largely been dominated by revisionist scholarship. Kinealy reverses this trend and makes a strong antirevisionist case for genocide by arguing against traditional orthodoxies. Kinealy convincingly argues that the British Government knew what was going on in Ireland and had the ability to provide relief to many of the people. However, for various political and ideological reasons they chose not to do so. She posits that the Famine and social policy essentially became a tool with which the British Government could use to ensure that modernization took place in Ireland. The British Governments response to the Famine was heavily influenced by providentialism the doctrine that human affairs are regulated by divine agency for human good.  [1]  Ultra-Protestants typically interpreted the blight as vengeance against Irish Catholicism  [2]  . Gray argues that it would be wrong and too simplistic to say that the British Government was a direct cause of the Famine, its responsibility lies more in its inaction its failure to grasp the growing and tremendous problems within Ireland in the early nineteenth century. It is evident that the British Government saw there was a problem a growing crisis of poverty and unemployment, however not enough was done to address the massive problems of poverty and inequality in pre-famine Ireland. When this great, sudden, unforeseen shock of the potato blight comes and the flimsy underpinnings of rural Irish society collapse the Government was not prepared they had no plan or solution. They fell back on methods wi th which they had used to deal with previous much smaller crises, when those failed there was a tendency to see the Famine as an opportunity and also a necessity of rebuilding Irish society from scratch. For those who are genuine believers in divine providence the blight was interpreted as a catalyst for implementing these fundamental changes in Ireland  [3]  and to alleviate Irelands need for continued private financial dependence on England. This notion of Providentialism was inextricably linked to the classical economic doctrine of lasses-faire. Donnellys post-revisionist interpretation, along with Kinealy and Gray is careful to emphasize the British governments reliance on the economic doctrine of laissez faire (prevailing economic theorem of the day) singling out Trevelyans devotion to this economic ideology of allowing industry to be essentially free of government interference that led (what Donnelly illustrates) to Trevelyans greatest blunder his refusal to prohibit food exports. Donnelly points out that the relief efforts provided by the British Government were deliberately spread over a period of time rather than simultaneously in order to prevent a culture of dependence. He states that since economy in public expenditure being one of the gods that Trevelyan worshipped  [4]  , Trevelyan and his contemporaries certainly were not forthcoming with funds and cut corners. This aversion to charity was implemented to avert, as they believed, an Irish population that could potentially become solely dependent on government assistance as opposed to contributing to their own prosperity. Kinealy and Ó Grà ¡da both reflect that the government placed the economy above humanitarian relief efforts during the Famine period  [5]  . The impact of the economic doctrine of laissez-faire can be seen as the ideology behind the British Governments (under Whig leadership) decision to end the Temporary Relief Act or Soup Kitchen Act in September 1847 only six months after it was established. The British Government also decided that strict adherence to the principals of political economy'  [6]  regardless of, or because of its consequences: the decision to allow the export of large quantities of grain and livestock to Britain during the height of the crisis; the sale of relief supplies at market prices; and frivolent expenditure on unproductive public works. These disastrous decisions certainly lend some weight to John Mitchels case for genocide. However, as Donnelly illustrates in reality Irish grain exports decreased significantly throughout the Famine period and imports ultimately increased substantially. Although we cannot dismiss Mitchels perspective completely, by halting grain exports during the period after the catastrophic harvest of 1846 and before the importation of large supplies of foreign grain early in 1847, could possibly (as many Nationalists since the Famine have argued) have prevented or at minimum slowed the onset of mass starvation and disease. Ki nealy is of the opinion that had grain exports been stopped, the effects of the Famine could have been minimised. She puts forward the notion that the Famine was due to inadequate food distribution as opposed to an actual lack of food potatoes were only responsible for 20 percent of Irelands agricultural production  [7]  . Kinealy points towards the British governments reluctance to intervene and upset the merchant classes due to the forthcoming election  [8]  . Conversely, Ó Grà ¡da, along with Gray does not believe there would have been adequate food supplies, regardless of whether food was exported or not  [9]  . Sir Charles Trevelyan, who was a key British official for public relief and oversaw the entire relief process during the whole period of the Famine (he served under the Tory and Whig governments), has been fairly targeted by Nationalist historians and thoroughly demonized as ..Trevelyan a strong proponent of providentialism described the Famine in 1848 as a direct stroke of an all-wise and all-merciful Providence, which laid bare the deep and inveterate root of social evil; the Famine, he avowed, was the sharp but effectual remedy by which the cure is likely to be effected. God grant that the generation to which this opportunity has been offered may rightly perform its part  [10]  With statements like this it is not hard to label Trevelyan as an evangelical providentialist (interpreting the Famine as part of Gods divine plan for Ireland). In contrast to many Nationalist historians, the revisionist Haines controversially attempts to put up a defence for Trevelyan (merely a civil s ervant) suggesting that the possibility that Trevelyan could have influenced the government policy on famine relief measures was unlikely  [11]  . Haines states Phytophthora Infestans [the potato blight], not Trevelyan, was the tyrant who brought death and suffering to Ireland on a scale never before witnessed.  [12]  She is correct in asserting that the cause of the Famine was undeniably due to the potato blight, however the distinction between the blight and the Famine is best surmised in John Mitchels famous phrase: The Almighty, indeed, sent the potato blight, but the English created the Famine.  [13]   The revisionist Peter Gray views the manifestation of burgeoning British public opinion in parliament as an explanation behind British ideology and consequently British policies towards Ireland (during the Famine period). He sees The Panic of 1847 (the British financial crisis) as a plausible justification for the catalyst which inspired, awakened and gave voice to an assertive middle-class political opinion  [14]  . British hostility towards the Irish was further The Panic of 1847 (British financial crisis) is often viewed as a plausible justification to the British Governments response to the Famine. Peter Gray states in the conditions of the later 1840s [government policy] amounted to a sentence of death on many thousands (93 Moralism unsurprisingly trails behind providentialism in the deplorable belief that the Catholic Irish were morally bankrupt, physically and mentally inferior they were viewed as biologically inferior according to those in the British government. Members of parliament were abundantly clear in making such statements on the floor of the House of Commons. Kinealy, along with Donnelly develops this notion that the British government held a set of ethnic prejudices towards the Catholic Irish. These prejudices, Kinealy argues, had an impact of leading British officials (ministers, civil servants, politician and representatives) that to led widespread discrimination and the formation of attitudes which in turn justified the inadequate aid and relief policies by the British government. These racist attitudes had the effect of spreading, as Donnelly states, famine fatigue in Britain. This blunted or perhaps even eliminated any potential sympathies that could have sustained political will to alleviate the Famine. De Nie has argues the British government used the Famine as an opportunity to promote and reinforce and portrayal of the Irish as subhuman and fundamentally a foreign race.  [15]  He points out that it was the Times that set the precedent of racism even in the earliest years of the Famine. De Nie argues that by implementing racism the British people succeeded in self-justification this was accomplished by projecting the blame for the Irish suffering onto the Irish themselves This essay has examined the three prevalent lenses through which the British ideology is viewed. The nationalist view of British ideology is the most well evidenced. However, as historians we must refrain judging the actions of individuals against contemporary morals and ideals. There is some merit to revisionist and post-revisionist arguments and they must not be dismissed entirely. All three lenses must be viewed within the context of the time without impediment by personal or national agenda. It is evident that the Great Famine was arguably one event in a long process of colonial disregard and exploitation of segments of the Irish people by the British Government for its own purposes and benefits. The psychological damage of the Famine was predated by several hundred years of policies by the British government which were specifically designed to undermine the spirit of the Irish people, remove them from their lands, destroy the structure of Irish society, and in general reduce the segments of the Irish population to poverty and insignificance. The Famine came along during the tail end of previous three-hundred years of discrimination to weaken the people who are weakened already in many ways by the institutions of the Church. This caused widespread devastation through disease, starvation, death and emigration. Approximately twenty-five percent of people left Ireland or died over a ten year period. The psychological history of the Famine continues to live on particularly within the Irish Catholic population. Maybe the deepest price the Irish have paid for the famine was the shame not the shame of those who let it happen, but the shame of those to whom it was done and which they have found it so very hard to speak. It is important in this academic analysis not to lose sight of the scope and significance of the Famine. It would be a great travesty for an event of such magnitude to be relegated to the pages of revisionist historiography. Nationalist outrage has been stifled by the weight of revisionist historiography.

E-Business and Intellectual Property

E-Business and Intellectual Property Daniel J. Nauertz Contemporary Business Law/421 Monday, May 21, 2012 Joesph Eshelman E-Business and Intellectual Property Companies may find that licensing is an attractive way to market their products in the United States particularly in industries where technology can quickly become obsolete. Licensing may be more effective and less costly than either exporting goods or establishing a branch or subsidiary. The U. S. government plays no part in promoting licensing in particular sectors. The U.S. system of patents and trademark licensing is highly developed and many licensing arrangements are possible between U. S. and foreign companies. Companies themselves may use licensing to tap into the domestic market expertise of U. S. companies but the disadvantage would be that companies may find the patent application and defence process to be expensive and time consuming and that licenses are subject to U. S. antitrust laws, such as the World Trade Orga nizations Trade Related aspects of Intellectual Property (TRIPS) framework.When analyzing the legal issues of e-business and intellectual property, one must include privacy, ethics and security. The U. S. has well developed systems of licensing that protects patents, trademarks and copyrights. Each has its own set of rules and procedures. The U. S. Patent and Trademark Office (USPTO) of the Department of Commerce issues patents and trademark registrations. Any person who invents or discovers any new and useful process, machine, manufacture or composition of matter or any new and useful improvements of these may obtain a U. S. patent.The Patent laws make no distinctions based on the inventors citizenship. It is legal and customary to require employees to assign their patent rights to their employers. The basic law specifying the subject matter for which a patent might be obtained and the conditions for patentability took effect in 1953 (Title 45 of the US Code). The Ominbus Trade and Competitiveness Act of 1988 amended U. S, patent law to expand protection for owners of U. S. process patents. A U. S. trademark relates to any word, name, symbol or device used in the trade of goods or services to indicate the source or origin of the oods or services and to distinguish them from the goods or services of others. Trademarks may be obtained to prevent others from using confusingly similar marks, but they may not be used to keep others from manufacturing the item or offering the services concerned. Trademark rights in the U. S. are now acquired through common law use requirements and not as in many countries, through first registration. U. S. law does not allow for the filing of intent to use application which provides a constructive first use date based on the filing date. A trademarks continued use, therefore is necessary for the protection to remain in force.The Trademark Counterfeiting Act of 1984 imposes criminal penalties such as seizure, steep fines and possibl e prison terms for trafficking in goods or services bearing a counterfeit mark. Trade secrets are considered a form of property. Since enactment of the Economic Espionage Act in 1996, the U. S. Department of Justice has been granted jurisdiction over the protection of trade secrets. The departments’ computer crime and intellectual property section is the responsible agency. Following the general guidelines of the trade secret doctrine the owner of a trade secret has the right to use it to his economic advantage.The law protects the holder of a trade secret against disclosure gained by improper means, such as theft, wiretapping, or even aerial reconnaissance. Trade secret law does not offer protection, against discovery by fair and honest means, such as independent invention, accidental disclosure or reverse engineering. The copyrights act of 1976 provides that the U. S. copyright protection is automatically extended to original works of authorship, at the time of their creati on. This provides the owner with exclusive rights to reproduce and sell a work.Works that can be copyrighted include motion pictures, sound recordings and computer software. So as we assess the different types of and legal protections for intellectual properties we see that the holders of a U. S. patent, trademark or copyright may sue the infringer through the U. S. Federal court system, though the process can be long and costly. The holder may also obtain an injunction and sue for damages. Intellectual property and e-commerce. (2010). Country Commerce. United States, 67-82 Melvin, S. P. (2011), the legal environment of business: A managerial approach: Theory to practice. New York, N. Y: McGraw-Hill/Irwin

Black People and Civil War Essay

The civil war ended in 1865 May 10 when the confederates surrendered to the union. After the civil war was over all of the slaves became free. They were call freedman. In some states they were not one hundred percent free though. Even though the slaves became free white people still did not like them and they were very racist to them. In Mississippi they had black codes which restricted blacks to do many things. How did whites attempt to reimpose bondage on their former slaves? The African Amercian’s were not allowed to rent or lease land and if they did they would be sued. The African Americans were not allowed to marry white people. If they did they would be guilty of felony and be sentenced to state jail for life. Whites still needed some labor help so they offered blacks to do some labor work and they would be payed. If the blacks were hired to work longer than a month then both the worker and the owner would have to have a written contract. If the worker quit before the contract was over without a good cause then the worker would have give back all of the money they got payed from the owner which is awful because blacks could get injured and the owner would not care and want the money they payed them back. Even if it was one day before the contract was over, but the owner would have really cruel to have done that. If the worker violated the contract than any white can arrest him and bring the black to jail. Blacks that were under the age of eighteen that did not have parents to provide and take care of them then the original owner can take the minor into their home and be their legal guardian. The owner was not allowed to give the minor cruel punishment. If whites see blacks who don’t come to work, get drunk in public, leave families, or misuse their money earned then they can be fined one hundred dollars and will have to go to jail no longer than ten days. If whites caught blacks over the age of eighteen living with whites or if they don’t have a job then the blacks would be fined fifty dollars and go to jail no more than ten days. The whites would be fined two hundred dollars and they would have to go to jail no less then six months. Blacks got the better deal off of that law, but the meaning was really hurtful to the blacks because the white people would get more in trouble then the black people would. It was like saying they hate blacks, but they hated the whites who liked the blacks more. Blacks were not even allowed to have weapons unless they were in the military, not even a knife. Everyone should have the right to protect their selves and their family. They needed the weapons especially because they just became free and many white people were angry that they became free and may try to harm them. On the bright side it kept them away from revenge on their master or any other enemies. If blacks disturbed the whites in any way from language to violence, trespassing, selling liquor without a license, being a minister of a church without a license, or cruel treatment to animals can be fined ten to one hundred dollars depending on the crime and serving ten to thirty days in jail. This law can be abused and white people could get the blacks in trouble because no one would know if the white people actually felt disturbed they could have been getting them in trouble because they were racist. Where whites successful to reimpose bondage on their former slaves? Yes, whites were very successful. Even though the blacks were free they took away many rights from them. They also made it impossible for blacks not to get into trouble. Abram Colby was beaten by members of the Klu Klux Klan on October 29, 1869. They took him to the woods and whipped him for three hours. The members of the Klu Klux Klan left him there and thought he died. In 1872 he was asked to testify in Washington and he did. He told them the whole story and the the members of the Klu Klux Klan were a lawyer, doctor, and farmers. The Klu Klux Klan killed many blacks during the time. Most of the time they got away with it because the leaders of the Klu Klux Klan were a bunch of high powered white people that were sheriffs,lawyers, and doctors. Where the freed slaves actually free? Overall they were free from slavery, but whites got every single chance they did to get the blacks in trouble with the law. Laws that were very strict that whites could not even abide by them, which was hypocritical. They pretty much took away their chances of becoming successful. The blacks were free from being someones slave. They were not as free as the whites were. Works Cited . N. p.. Web. 5 Feb 2014. . Sterling, D. .

Eleanor Roosevelt s Role Of Women - 1881 Words

â€Å"While I spoke there was complete silence. It was striking after the pandemonium that had existed†¦.on several occasions [Franklin] said to others, ‘Her speech was just right’† (Roosevelt 217-218). The unprecedented amount of attention and respect given to the First Lady at the 1940 Democratic National Committee in Chicago while she gave her speech speaks numbers to the colossal impact that Eleanor Roosevelt had on people (Roosevelt 216-218). No other First Lady before Eleanor had taken as many steps as she did to improve the nation. She helped to pave the way for future women, redefining feminism and aiding in the progress of improving the lives of those in both the United States and abroad (First Lady Biography: Eleanor Roosevelt). Coming from beginnings filled with public service, not only did Eleanor Roosevelt drastically change the role of the First Lady, but she also modernized the role of women in society through all stages of her life. â₠¬Å"Very early I became conscious of the fact that there were people around me who suffered in one way or another† (Roosevelt 12). Even from an early age, Eleanor surrounded herself with opportunities to serve others. This early exposure to public service led her to continuously help others around her. When her husband, Franklin Roosevelt was appointed Assistant Navy Secretary in 1913 under the Wilson administration, Eleanor became actively involved with two organizations in particular working to bring aid to those in need, theShow MoreRelatedEleanor Roosevelt : Long Range Goal1005 Words   |  5 PagesAnna Eleanor Roosevelt Isra El-khateeb Long-Range Goal: To inform listeners about the legacy and inspirational status Eleanor Roosevelt left behind. 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